Day 8: Nov. 20, 2008

Students & faculty at Center for Interdisciplinary Gender Studies, University of Chile

(L to right: Marcela Morales, María de los Ángeles Fernández, Isabel Pemllan, CIEG Director Sonia Montecino, Carol, Manuela Cistena, and Carolina Franch)

Here’s a question for you: What are President-Elect Barack Obama’s plans for Latin America? That was one of the first questions reporters Karen Doggenweiller and Jorge Hevia asked me this morning on the radio show with the largest reach in Chile: “A Toda Radio,” Bío-Bío (99.7 FM in Santiago). Click here to find out the official position from the Obama campaign: better security, trade that increases jobs, fulfillment of the Millennium Goals to eliminate extreme poverty… As Chile grapples with significant fiscal losses, it is certain that what Obama does will have direct impact in this country. (My feelings weren’t hurt when Jorge's attention strayed slightly to the TV screens in the studio showing that Chile’s team had lost their game in the Women’s Under-20 World Soccer championships being held in Santiago.)

One of the themes of my communication with the media, students, academics, and others I have met, is how the intersection of gender and race/ethnicity have played out in the presidential election – especially how, if only whites had voted, McCain would be President Elect, not Obama, since 53% of white women and 46% of white men voted for McCain. (On everyone’s mind, of course, is whether Obama will select Hillary Clinton to be Secretary of State.)

The rest of the day was spent at the University of Chile, where I met first with a dynamic group of students and faculty in the Center for Interdisciplinary Gender Studies (CIEG). Sonia Montecino, director and “pionera” of gender studies in Chile, as well as Carolina Franch, Paula Hernández, Marcela Morales, Manuela Cisterna, and Isabel Pemllan (see photo), were eager to hear how the Graduate Certificate Program for Women in Politics and Public Policy at UMass Boston – with its 40-year history – could inform their budding PROLIFEM (Progama de Liderazgo Femenino en Asuntos Públicos). While the policy analysis courses, research, internships in government and non-profit organizations offered by our program were of great interest, the broader issues confronting women in both Chile and the US began to be hotly debated by the group.

For example, is it sufficient to aim for educating women to have the skills necessary to compete for elected office and gain access to these positions? Won’t holding such positions lead to cooptation and a reproduction of the existing power structure? Why have a program for women only when gender relations will only change if men’s attitudes about women and their own roles in the family, society, and politics change as well? Does not locating such a program within a university automatically exclude the whole range of women without undergraduate degrees? In discussing all of these questions, one could not help but consider how the saliency of race in the US detracts from what shapes politics in Chile to a greater degree: family name and socioeconomic class. Certainly the presidential election paid homage to the needs of the middle class – not to mention that icon of the working class, “Joe the …”

During my presentation to a larger group of students and faculty later that evening, Sonia Montecino, the director of CIEG, stated quite forcefully that increasing the numbers of women without a complete transformation of society and politics is an inadequate goal. It is true that “gaining access to what men have” whether it is a CEO job or an elected/appointed position does reflect the “liberal” rather than “transformative” side of feminism. And María de los Ángeles Fernández, the proponent of PROLIFEM, raised concerns that trouble her: women in the National Congress of the Republic of Chile tend to be split between right and left, with a dominance on the right and no real shared agenda. All of these questions and concerns lead me, once again, to the conclusion that what I take away from my interactions in Santiago is as significant as what I brought with me to share.

Still to come: I leave Chile this evening. When I return to the office on Monday, Nov. 24th, I will arrange to have the PowerPoint presentation of my speech last night up on the Center’s website: www.mccormack.umb.edu/cwppp.

Day 7: Nov. 19, 2008

Events of the Day
10:00a.m. Meeting with Women Leaders of Key Government Agencies
4:00p.m. Radio Interview at US Embassy
7:30pm Reception home of the Deputy Director of the US Embassy, Carol Urban

Women Leaders Meeting: It was 10:30am and the meeting at the offices of Fundación Chile 21 was in full swing. Around the table were women leaders representing a range of government agencies, social service organizations, and political parties. Elena Luzama and Nelly Zamorano, from the Ministerio del Secretario General had worked with María de los Ángeles Fernández to bring the group together. Also present was Gabriela Valero Cañas, head of the “Unit to Promote the Rights and Protection of Women” at SERNAM, an agency akin to a Ministry for Women, but – as many this week complained – is not a cabinet-level post. Others included Diva Millapan,(on left in left photo) representing Mapuche women; another Mapuche woman named Victoria (on right in
right photo), who ran for a city council seat but lost; her complaints about how candidates campaign on little more than a name and a “photo with a nice smile” rather than substance, sounded familiar to someone from the US where the lack of policy specifics is a constant refrain. Other women represented the National Library, and the Division of Social [Service] Organizations (DOS) of the Office of the Secretary General, and more. Finally, an older woman, named, coincidentally, Alma Fanta, was disturbed by the gender gap in wages in Chile today, asserting that, when she finished medical school, women who entered the professions of medicine and law were able to earn the same salaries as men. After the meeting we chatted about the possible common roots of our last names – her family’s origins a long time ago were in Poland.

A good part of the meeting elaborated on the problem of how few elected positions are available in Chile. It turns out that Chile is still operating under the Constitution developed when Pinochet was pressured into putting a more democratic face on his dictatorship. This Constitution permits the retention of many powers in the hands of the President. Thus, there are no elected positions such as state legislators and the regional governors (Intendentes) are appointed by the President. Having just the national congress, mayors and city councilors of around 300 municipalities, seriously restricts opportunities for women.

At the same time, much of the discussion that went on sounded amazingly familiar with the concerns of women in the United States: Women go into politics at the local level but don’t see themselves as moving up; the need for a “critical mass”; ideological divisions among women with a dominance on the right of women who don’t promote “women’s issues”; the lack of funds for running successful campaigns at the congressional level; women have to reassure voters that they are not “feminists”; the press doesn’t cover a lot of what women are pushing for as an agenda because items like universal pre-kindergarten are “soft issues”; and the fact that women are held to different standards.

When asked for advice, I shared strategies such as developing an “EMILY’s List” for Chile – that could promote and raise money for women to run, especially for the coveted positions of Diputada or Senadora. Another strategy is the “Open Seats Initiative” I’ve been advocating, in which a coalition of organizations develops a database of the top positions, inputs the likelihood of a candidate leaving (through resignation, acceptance of another post, or even illness/death), and identifies/promotes a woman to be ready for the seat when it becomes available. We all agreed that in both countries, men do this all of the time. I gave examples from Massachusetts where we elected Niki Tsongas – the first woman sent to the US Congress from our state in 20 years – by recognizing that the incumbent, Martin Meehan, was likely to leave (either to run for governor or, as he did, to become chancellor of the University of Massachusetts Lowell). I had arranged a meeting with her before Meehan announced he was leaving to say, “Be ready,” and “Women will support you.” She demurred slightly but I’m sure that the seed was planted; she was ready; and did get the support she needed. It is this type of strategic intervention statewide in Massachusetts – and nationally and locally in Chile – that can turn things around politically for women.

US Embassy Radio Broadcast
I was interviewed on women’s political participation in Chile and the United States. With me was Andrea Sanhueza, Executive Director of Corporación Participa – a national organization designed to promote participation in civil society. (Come back soon for link to audio on the US Embassy’s website. )

Embassy Reception

Day 6: Nov. 18, 2008

Photo (l to r): Paulina Steffens and Carol Hardy-Fanta. Paulina is Chilean and a recent graduate of the Center's Program for Women in Politics and Public Policy. The photo shown here is from her balcony in the Las Condes section of Santiago, with a view of the Andes in the background. Paulina and her husband are the proud parents of 4-week-old Francisco.

Today was a day of contemplation of what I had learned so far. In many ways, it seemed that there were so many commonalities between the obstacles facing women in Chile and the US in terms of increasing their numbers in elected office. The fact that the US is not so far ahead of Chile according to data from the Inter-Parliamentary Union (see graph below): the US ranks 71st and Chile 79th out of 137 countries in the % women in the lower houses of congress/parliament, with 17% in the US and 15% in Chile. The municipal levels are also not dissimilar, with 22% of municipal council posts held by women in Chile and about 28% in the US.

When talking to women leaders this week about the importance of getting more women to run for elected office, I discovered that there are many fewer opportunities for women in Chile. There are no state legislatures, for example, and the regional governors are nominated by the President. This eliminates thousands of electoral opportunities, and, if there is a "pipeline" (which is debatable), such a top-heavy electoral system precludes women moving from local office to state legislative seats, to the congress. Also, since there are only about 300 mayoral positions, 120 seats in the lower-house (Cámara de Diputados) and 38 in the Senate, the number of possible openings for women is much smaller overall than in the US.
Another feature of Chilean politics is the argument that coming from a "political family" is almost essential for gaining access to one of the coveted appointed or elected offices at any level. One's "appellido" (family name) makes a huge difference. While Michelle Bachelet had a father who was a well-known general in the armed forces and she gained some political capital from the fact that he was tortured and died during the Pinochet regime, it turns out that this fact helped her as part of her personal story but she did not come from a political family.

Day 5: Nov. 17, 2008

After spending time exploring Santiago and its environs, I got down to work today, meeting with women leaders in Chile. These included (right to left, see photo) María de los Ángeles Fernández, Executive Director of Fundación Chile 21; Natalia Flores G., of the Observatorio Género y Equidad; María Eugenia Hirmas Rubio, Director of Sociocultural Relations for President Michelle Bachelet; and Verónica Montellano, President of Polla Chilena, the state lottery system.

Another woman at the meeting was Congresswoman María Antonieta Saa Díaz (see photo), whose biography is a fascinating testament to women’s abilities to start at the bottom of the political ladder and achieve amazing things. She started off as a secretary to Jorge Edwards, Chilean writer, journalist and diplomat, typing his news articles; she also took dictation from Pablo Neruda, among others. After being a leader in the progressive workers’ and women’s movements, she was appointed Mayor of Conchalí by President Patricio Aylwin in 1990. In 1993, she ran for the National Congress of the Republic of Chile (District 17, representing Conchalí, Huechuraba y Renca in northern Chile). She has been a political force for women in Chile since her election.

The meeting began with my providing some context for a discussion of Latina women's political status in the US and Chile. This included the fact that Latinos make up the largest minority group (at 15% of the total US population) and hold disadvantaged socioeconomic and political status. Despite this fact, Latina women in the US represent a higher percentage of Latino elected officials than white women do of white officials; ran for the US Congress at higher rates than white women; and vote at higher rates than Latino men.

We then discussed the fact that women's representation at the level of Congress in Chile and the US are remarkably similar -- 17% of the lower house in the US and 15% in Chile. However, at the level of Senate, the US does better -- 16% of US Senators are women whereas just 5% of Chilean Senators are women. At the municipal level, I learned that 12% of mayors in Chile are women. The women leaders in the room expressed frustration that just 22% of Chilean local officials (city councilors) are women -- and I shared their frustration because women make up only about 28% in the US.

Other frustrations we shared were the divisions among women along ideological lines -- evident in the recent US election, as I wrote in an earlier post. Prof. Fernández and others in the room also indicated that it is very hard to get "women's issues" on the agenda in the Chilean congress, in the political parties, and on local agendas as well. Solutions suggested included more education on the importance of running for office, support for women when the run, and building a stronger alliance among women in Chile to press both the parties and the government for a higher level of appointments of women.

Day 4: Nov. 16, 2008

Today is a preview for my work here in Chile this coming week. First, my sponsor, Mª. de los Ángeles Fernández, Professor of Political Science and Executive Director of Fundación Chile 21, had arranged for an interview with by a reporter for the magazine Mujer, which is included as a supplement in the Sunday edition of La Tercera newspaper. In it, I comment on the election of Barack Obama, the meaning of Hillary Clinton's defeat in the primaries, and -- yes -- Governor Sarah Palin. In this article, "Obama triunfó con un estilo femenino de hacer política," I comment on the fact that, while the nation can celebrate overcoming racial tensions in the election of the first African American president, there still exist divides among women along racial lines -- with much higher percentages of black and Latina women supporting him than white women.

Activities for the coming week
Monday, Nov. 17th: a meeting with representatives of Chilean women's NGOs and congresswomen to examine the obstacles and possibilities for increasing women's political participation and representation in both countries.

Tuesday, Nov. 18th: a meeting with representatives of government agencies -- including women from the Mapuche and Ayamará indigenous groups -- about women's policy issues and political activism.

Thursday, Nov. 20th: A.M. radio interview on the Bío-Bío station, "A Toda Radio"; followed by meetings at the University of Chile on establishing PROLIFEM, a program to promote women's leadership in politics and public policy. At 6pm, I'll be giving a speech to faculty and students on women in politics, with a particular focus on Latina women's political roles in the US.

I'll report on these events as the week goes on.

Day 3: Nov. 15, 2008

Today was a day to explore the beauty of Chile -- via an all-day horseback riding trek high into the Andes. After just an hour's drive, we arrived at Cascada de los Ánimas in San José del Maipo. The Cascada de los Ánimas is a nature refuge and outdoor adventure spot situated along the Maipo River, which roars through the Cajón del Maipo due to the high volume of summer snow melt. It was a beautifully sunny day with clear views of the Cordillera de los Andes, which, as you can see are still covered in snow. One of the highlights was seeing three condors -- sometimes circling above us and, when we got to the summit, below us.

The day was not apolitical, however. Grecho, our guide, Juan, the taxi driver, and José and Denís -- a merchant marine and his wife, a biochemistry student from a city three hours to the north of Santiago -- all had plenty to say about the current state of politics in Chile.

"Yes," said Juan, on our drive to San José del Maipo, "that is the stadium where General Pinochet emprisoned many during his overthrow of Salvador Allende in 1973." He agreed that it was terrible, but, on the way back, when asked his opinion of the current government and that of Pinochet, he was quite frank that on many levels he preferred the 18 years he spent under Pinochet. Pinochet, said Juan, "got rid of the [juvenile] delinquents, and sent all the homosexuals to an island...If you didn't agree with him, you had two choices: leave or [he made a cut throat motion with his hand across his neck] or he would kill you." He concluded with his observation that it was those who left under such circumstances that spread "such bad things about Pinochet."

Hmmm.

Day 2: Nov. 14th

Today's highlight was a visit to the National History Museum of Chile. While, Chile is often perceived as an "Hispanic" or "Latino" country, its history is one of colonial conquest of the Mapuche, Aymará and other indigenous groups. The Mapuche make up 4% of the population with "European and Mestizos" 96%. On Tuesday, I will be meeting with members of a number of women's organizations, including those representing women from Mapuche and Aymará communities.

My thoughts turned to the US presidential election, which was, of course, informed by the intersection of race and gender. Some women's organizations are highlighting the support Obama received from women, but less commonly noted is the fact that compared to the 96% support from Black women and 68% support from Latina women, just 46% of white women (compared to 42% of white men) supported Obama. Blacks and Latinos (especially women) provided the decisive edge to Obama's victory.

In preparation for my meetings with women leaders this coming week, I compared how Chilean women do in representation at the national level compared to women in the US and other countries. As can be seen in the attached graph, the US ranks 71st in the world in terms of the % of Congress that is female -- Chile ranks 79th. (Source: Inter-Parliamentary Union http://www.ipu.org/wmn-e/classif.htm, lower house; it should be noted that the US does better in the Senate, with 16% women, compared to just 5% in Chile.) Other South American countries do much better than Chile: Argentina ranks 5th in the world with women making up 40% of the lower house and 39% of the upper house of parliament. Perú, not know for its progressive politics, also has significantly high percentages of women -- well above those in the US: 29% of its single house of representatives are women. I'd like to remind visitors to this site that Argentina's president, Christina Fernández, was elected, succeeding her husband, in 2007.

So, here I am, invited to offer lessons on how Chile can increase women's political representation. Perhaps I should tell them to invite the Swedes (who rank #2 in the world), or their neighbors Argentina and Perú. Any thoughts?